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The Revolutionary Age 

A Chromcle and Interpretation of Events in Europe 


"V^LlTNo- 12 

J&turday, January 4, 1919 

Price 3 Cents 

THE birth of the year 1919 finds the world on 
the threshold of a new era. Out of the chaos 
of international war, national ambitions, com- 
mercial rivalries and diplomatic trickery is gradually 
emerging the real struggle— the war of' the classes. 
Since the cessation of hostilities it is becoming gradu- 
ally clearer that there are but two nations in the world, 
the working class nation and the capitalist nation. 
And between these two the battle line is flung. 

Already two great countries have thrown aside the 
pretense of peace 'between the classes, and 
in one of these, Russia, the workers are 
definitely in the ascendency, while in the 
other, Germany, the struggle is raging for 
the conquest of power, the proletariat 
slowly gaining the upperhand. Through- 
out the rest of the world reaction is, for 
the moment, holding sway. Flushed with 
the visionary triumph of victory in the in 
temational war, the workers of the Al- 
lied nations have paused in the fight, and 
capitalism is endeavoring to prolong the 
pause sufficiently to re-entrench itself, 
while at the same time preparing to crush 
the Russian workers and to uphold reac- 
tion in Germany. 

Because of this very pause, because re- 
action is now riding the crest of the 
wave, Capitalism is becoming increas- 
ingly arrogant, is forgetting to be care- 
ful and is revealing its sinister designs. 
Frightened into caution by events in 
Russia, Capitalism made haste slowly at 
first and then forgot its danger suffi- 
ciently to openly aim at the destruction 
of the Russian workers, only to again re- 
ceive a shock by the developments in 
Germany, but, reassured by the inaction 
of the workers of the Allied countries 
and s Purred on by the necessity of its 
inherent greed, Capitalism is again for- 
cing its danger and is riding for a fall. 

Hie voices of the more farsighted of the 
capitalists are gradually being silenced 
? nd drunk w ith its own success Capital- 
1SI " ls throwing discretion to the world. 
But the broad masses of Russia and 

'erniany have felt the pulse of life in 

ti eir veins - have glimpsed the possibili- 

th " °* future and having overcome 

b eir mitial fear of action, are gather- 
,ovv er and momentum with amazing 
The revolutionary instinct of 

The Struggle of the New Year 

tries unite, you have nothing to loose but your chains 
you have a world to gain," sounded by Karl Marx 
Halt a century ago and since then voiced by Socialist 
propagandists in every country of the world, is now 

thundered from two hundred million throats 

^ The year just gone saw the spread of this wateh-crv 
trom Russia to Germany, and in that year the thunder 
of the guns, the cries of the wounded, the groans of 
the dying and the weeping of the forsaken dulled the 
strength of Russia's voice. But in the year just born 


la - Je ° ple havin g found expression at 

b S Is keeping all before it, and is forc- 

re g , . ca P>talists into open war. The 

v ohitionary cry, -'Workers of all coun- 

KcltL Marx 

the noise of international war is deadened, the tri- 
umphant cries of victory- will soon be silenced, and then 
the voices of the advancing proletariat will be heard 
in many lands. 

Every day brings the real issue into bolder relief. 
Capitalism has no choice, it must combat the advancing 
workers ; but it can only combat them with other work- 
ers and the watch-cry is infectious. Only by obscuring 
the real issue can Capitalism hope to be successful. 
But the nature of the struggle that is at present devel- 
oping tends to reveal, rather than ob- 
scure the issue. No longer can the work- 
ers be successfully rallied to battle 
against their brothers by the fear of a 
dread imperialism. The German and 
Russian workers have killed their im- 
perialism and it is only in the Allied 
countries that Capitalism holds sway. 
But in the Allied countries the workers 
have been fighting and dying side by 
side, and any war that may develop be- 
tween these countries can not rally the 
workers to the suoport of their various 
governments as did the last war. 

On the fields of battle, on the grey 
stretches of the ocean, in the mills, mines 
and factories, and in the homes of the 
workers the dread import of internation- 
al war has been realized. While the 
fight was actually in progress, the 
»vti>inds were obscured, the grie ; was 
'idden/the hysteria of war kept the na- 
tions keyed up, but with the end of the 
fig-htins: the workers are beginning to re- 
alize the enormity of the sacrifice and 
pre beginning to balance it with the 
^ains accruing from victor}'. 

When the emptiness of victory is re- 
vealed, then the class struggle will 'flare 
t'p in the Allied countries. The old an- 
tagonisms of nation against nation will 
disappear and in their places will de- 
velop the antagonism of the class war. 
The year 1919, although it has been is- 
sued in to the ringing of bells proclaim- 
ing "peace on earth, good will to men," 
will not be a peaceful year. It will be a 
year fraught with perils, a year more 
momentous than any ever witnessed in 
the history of mankind, and although its 
days will be stained with blood, the blood 
of brothers shed by brothers, though it 
may not, in itself, be a happy year, yet 
the historic watch-cry of the workers, 
swelling loud and strong, foretells that 
1919 is a year pregnant with happiness 
for the workers of the world. 

Arise, ye prisoners of starvation! 

Arise, ye wretched of the earth. 
Vo r justice thunders condemnation. 

A better world's in birth. 
No more tradition's chains shall bind ^ its. 

Arise, ye slaves! no more in thrall' 
The earth shall rise on new foundations 

U\- have been naught, we shall be all. 

The International 


T*F the final conflict. 

Let each stand in his place. 
The International Party 

Shall be the human race. 

Wc want no condescending saviors, 
To rule us from a judgment hall. 

II 'e workers ask r.ot for their favors; 
Let us consult for all. 

To make the thief disgorge his booty, 
spirit from its cell. 

He must ourselves decide our duty. 
We must decide and do it well. 


Saturday, January t, 

1 9 10 

The Revolutionary Age 

A Chronicle and Interpretation of Event! in Europe, 

if the people have not yet cot '"■ only one reason for mr- 

Louis C. Fraina Editor 

EADMONN Associate Editor 

Contributing Editors 
Scott Neamng Ludwk; Lore 

John Reed Sen Katayama 

N. I. Hourwich G. Weinstein 

By Local Boston, Socialist Party 

H. G. Sleiner, Business Manager 
885 Washington St., Boston, Mass, 

Saturday, January 4, t9i9 

French Syndicalism 

f\N another page we publish the program of the 
*"* French Syndicalists. It is a program of petty 
bourgeois paltering. It faces none of the real issues 
arising out of the war and the march of the Socialist 
movement in Russia and Germany. It attempts to 
safeguard labor by all sorts and sizes of legislation; 
it throws phrases about like a liberal politician; it ap- 
proaches the vita] questions of the hour, makes a bow 
and then veers olT again, leaving them as it found 

After fighting for democracy, the best the French 
Syndicalist movement, the one-time red, revolution- 
ary terror of the moderate Socialists, can do is sol- 
emnly meet through its Federal Committee and de- 
mand the eight-hour day, a living wage, compulsory 
education and old are pensions. No wonder the capi- 
talists tremble in their shoes! No wonder the "Tiger" 
of France boldly declares his program of reaction ! 

All through its wordy pronouncement we find not 
one word that would give an inkling that any of the 
representatives of French Labor ever heard of Capi- 
talism. On every issue it discusses it declares lor co- 
operation between the workers and their masters. It 
presupposes that the French soldier returning from 
the suffering of the battlefied is worth nothing more 
than a life of eight hours daily toil in the mine, fac- 
tory and the field for the benefit of the few who own 
industry, that his child shall be entitled to go to school 
until the age of fourteen and that it shall go to the 
factory when its brain is just reaching the best stage 
of development, that his womenkind shall work in 
the factory by day, but, in deference to his having won 
democracy, they will be prohibited from swelling the 
profits o the capitalists at night also! 

The high cost of living shall be reduced, so that the 
French workers may not starve to death, sick benefits 
must be paid him when he falls a victim to some hor- 
rible disease contracted that his masters may live in 
luxury, old age pensions shall be dangled before his 
eyes, though he will never suffer long enough to re- 
ceive them, and if through the graciousness of French 
imperialism a brother worker from another country 
shall be permitted to increase the wealth of the French 
capitalists, why that fortunate member of the human 
race will also work eight hours a day, get enough to 
live on, and be allowed to long for an old age pension ! 
It is an admirable program for the capitalists and 
they are indeed foolish and lacking in foresight if 
they do not immediately institute it all oyer the world. 
The French syndicalists are indeed the friends of their 
masters and they use their knowledge of the workers 
to the best interests of those masters. We wait with 
interest that day when they will be rewarded for their 

good offices. 

The Situation in Ireland 

^yilATKVkk else may be left in doubt by the re- 
sult of the recent elections in Ireland, one tiling 
standi out clearly! the Irish people by an overwhelm- 
ing majority i,ave declared for independence. The 
election was fought primarily on the issue of self- 
determination, t1 lr Irish Labor Party vvithdrawiiv, 
their candidates at the eleventh hour in order to let 

the people declare themselves squarely on the .pus 

titon, Irish Labor stands for a republic, not merely 
for politic;,! Independence, but for a Workers 1 Repub- 
lic, and as in Ireland, as is unfortunately the ease at 
"'t present moment in the majority of the nations 01 

■■■■■>',' tfaaj 

the world, a large ICCtion 01 me people nave uui yet can ;>c oniy one reason lor mie; 

arrived at the stage where they are ready to embrace government menaces the rate of 1 • 

the real solution of the problems that trouble man where; it ii the }<■■' .ouiii* ation of the ru .-, ; .\ 
kind, the labor party withdrew from the fight in order workers. Are the peoples of the world 

that the peopli might declare themselves 0:1 tin- que-. 
tion of political independence. Seventy per cent, oi 

lb* voters have decided in favor of a republic. 

Having been given Mich a clear mandate by the 
people u was only logical that the Sinn Fein party 

their brothers in Russia ihould '-• 
they stand for tint emancipation of <: 

heritor!? Are the common pCO] 
selves to be made the tools of the 

Since it has become clear that the Atlii 

mould imrned atcly translate that mandate into action wanted by the majority of th. ,.,^ ^ 

and call into bemg the republic created in Faster tne fal1 of l,,t * German autocracy it ii plain 

Week, r9l6, The men who will assemble in Dub- Bolsheviki are not pro-Kaiser, and nev 

llil as the representatives of the new republic have a to 1je manufactured to explain the presence of fore ;( m 

tremendous task ahead of them, but, as McDonough troo P s - The P rcss ha ^ started to wag.- a 

said in his speech to the English court-martial after <jf misrepresentation in order to strengthen the inter- 

he had been sentenced to death, "There is always a ventionists: ** n «W develops that the .-. 

chance for brave men who challenge fortune." mised t0 aid the Czechoslovaks, that ttti 

If these 72 men and one woman, with the example bee " forthconiin £ and as a result the poor 

Of Russia and Germany before them, are gifted with Slovaks are in »m mi »ent danger of destruction, that 

sufficient clearness of vision to sec that the day of the they are tryin * t0 pet 0Ut of Russia but are enable to 

workers has already dawned, and have the courage m ° Ve U " !eSS the AUiCS help thCm and that 

to act accordingly, then they will rally round fheni, 
not oidy the workers of the east, south and west, but 
also the victims of the sweatshops and factories of 
the industrialized north-cast of Ulster and banish 
for all time the religious bigotry, based on lies and 
misunderstandings, that have kept asunder the work- 
ers of Ulster from their brothers in the rest of Ire- 
land. Jim Larkin, with not one-tenth of the oppor- 
tunity, united the two sections in the great industrial 
battle of Belfast in 1937 and on that foundation can 
be raised the structure of Irish working class unity. 

Hut there is a still greater opportunity lying before 
the Sinn Feiners, if (hey adopt a fearless policy and 
institute the rule of the workers in Ireland they can 
swinjr behind them the broad masses of the industrial 
proletariat of England, Scotland and Wales and once 
this is accomplished the English 

If. however, they adopt a pokey of petty bourgeois 
republicanism, if they waste their efforts on reforms, 
il they pander to the property owners, the industrial 
masters, the shim landlords, the small landowners then 
they will fail and the struggle will continue until 
such time as either the Insh or British workers awake 
to the realties of the situation and, freeing them- 
selves, help free the world. 

must fulfill their promise to these poor people 

This story is in line with all the stories that the 
bourgeois press has given to the people of the Allied 
countries. The Russians are and have been all along 
desirous that the Czecho-Slovaks leave Russia. The 
Soviet government has no desire to wage war on the 
Czecho-Slovaks, they have offered to allow them to 
depart in peace many *imes, but the Czecho-Slovaks 
have allowed themselves to be made the backbone of 
th rt counter-revolution. They fought against the Rus- 
sians but if they wish to they may depart to their 
own country. Why don't they go? Why don't all the 
foreign troops leave Russia? Russia wants to be left 
in peace. The workers of the Allied countries have 
no nuarrel with the Russians. But alien troops are 
still in Archangel and Vladivostok. . . . 

government is pow- 

The' British Elections 

'T'HE result of the British elections is a clear victory 
for reaction, Disguise it under what sophistry it 
may, the British Labor Party was soundly thrashed. 
Lloyd-George supported by a tremendous tory ma- 
joritv has swept the country and the landed gentry 
and the industrial barons ar.? in the saddle as a result 
of the recent victory for democracy. All the so-called 
leaders of the British working class went down to ig- 
nominious defeat. Arthur Henderson, the idol of the 
liberal bourgeoisie of the Allied countries, was beaten 
and the British Labor Partv is left teaderless v ^ 
announcement, more or less unofficial, qu jth, who declared war, also met defeat, and the of- 
ficial Liberal Party, that raised Lloyd-George to promi- 
nence, is leaderless, Even the coalition Liberals will 
have to eat humble pie ; onlv the tories. the arisl 
of the aristocrats, have gained a victor) and Uoyd- 
CiPorire must henceforth toe the mark, even in Utter- 
ance, as he has so long toed it in action. 

The result is a clear mandate for the crushing 01 
Germany, the invasion of Russia and the stifli 
Ireland. The Khaki election of the Boer war days 
was a liberal victory in comparison with the recent 
balloting, But the result is not so discourafctn* «* 
would appear nt first sight The election of 8 I 
parliament, with a Strong Labor niinorin would haVC 

been a safety valve for the unrest that will develop in 
England as unemployment increases, waxes drop a,ul 
hours lengthen. Reaction is the scion of \ (CtOfJ ■ lu!t 
revolution is the daughter oi defeat. And the den 
of the British workers is not yet apparent, but i 

They Are Still There! 

y\FTER the ,i 

thai the Allies would not send any more troops 
to Russia, the movement of French troops was re- 
ported near Odessa, and the British fleet, after bomb- 
arding the coast of the Baltic Provinces, landed 
troops in Riga. 

immediately upon the result of the British elections 
becoming known France announces her intentions of 
continuing the offensive against Russia. None of the 
allied countries have declared war on Russia, yet from 
all sides the troops of the Great Powers war on the 
people of Russia. From all sides they advance on the 
Soviet Republic of the workers and the people of the 
allied countries know nothing of their movements ex 
cept from vague reports in the newspapers. 

Are these people who fought to make the world 
safe for democracy not to have any voice in what their 
governments are doing in Russia? The common peo- 
ple of the world have no cause to fight with Russia; 
she is not menacing any country; she desires to send 
no armies into foreign territory to bring destitution in 
men- wake. She is not looking fur "a place in the sun"; 
she merely wishes to conduct her own affairs after 
the manner of the wishes „f th 


There can be no question that the Russian people, 
M a whole, are overwhelmingly behind the Soviets.' 
Ihe UQlshevlki have remained m power over a vear m 

the face of tremendous opposition, both from within 
and without, Counter-revolution has employed every 
weapon it is capable bi using against the government 
ol the workers, foreign troops have supported Cxar- 
Istic and reactionary dictators, but still the Russian 
workers support the Soviets, support them with their 
hves n |g absurd to suppose that the presence of the 

Allies in Russia is for the benefit of Russia. There 

he majority of In 

it wifl 

lop much more clearly under the present cointi- 
tions than if the liberals had succeeded thi 
will become sharper as a result oi the election I >v " 
1 iCOrge and the tories have been swept into power DO l 
false conception of the situation, and when the iUM 

sions of victory have passed the reaction ^^ - ,ul ' 1 ^ 
farther to the left as a result oi the torv aSCendenCJ 

There is. however, another aspect ol the quest* 
The fact that none of the liberal l.dw leaders 
Henderson type were successful merelv show 
the attempt to hold the middle of the road is fttH» 

None of the so-called strong men oi Britain adopted 

a fearless po! K -\ They were continually cOfUp* ^ 
fog with both sides. Declaring for labor mu\ acquiC*C< 

ing with the government that was i.ohiie. the '*'•"' 
less advocates of labors cause, declaring tor the in- 
ternational and at the same time lefusuic, to accept 



g.tairday 1 J M >uar y 4, 1919 

1 weal actions of internationalists, supporting the 
Rkhev&i and refusing to make their acts square with 
f ' r words. While these men were adopting this 
cillating policy their °PP onents were standing 
SLty on their program; they were insistent on 
T fact that Germany must be crushed ; that she must 
!,e\nade to pay to the fullest extent of her capacity; 
KL revenge is sweet. . . . And in the first flush of 
Victory the country rallies to their policies. 
V1 \nd the tories the world over are unable to under- 
line! the limitations of their victory. Already the 
British elections have borne fruit in France. Clemen- 
ceatt comes out flatly for a victory of conquest and, 
t satisfied with the military defeat of Germany, he 
turns his eyes to the conquest of the workers of Rus- 
sia. Lloyd-George's hand will also be forced and the 
peace conference will reflect the result. Out of the de- 
mands that the tories will msist upon as a result of 
their victories, the intervention of the proletariat will 

This new government of England will not retain 
its present form for any length of time. After the 
Boer war election the reaction was swift; after this 
war it will be swifter and stronger in proportion as 
the sacrifices were heavier. British Socialism must 
recognize the fact that it has for the moment faced de- 
feat. It is useless to count the vote all over the coun- 
try and prove by figures that the election was really 
a victory because a few more labor men have been 
elected. The labor men in the new parliament will 
have no power. The division of the house is not such 
as to enable them to influence its acts ; in fact, the 
British working class has no voice in the new govern- 
ment. Reaction holds sway and indications are not 
lacking that it is going to make the most of its ad- 
vantage. A big navy is to 'be forced on the people, a 
large army will be retained and the offensive against 
the Bolsheviki will 'be continued on larger lines. 

The retention of the German colonies is assured and 
such retention by Britain means the giving of conces- 
sions to Italy and France at the expense of some other 
peoples. As the revolutionary proletariat of Germany 
gains the ascendency the cry will he raised in England 
for the suppression of "Bolshevism" and Lloyd- 
George will probably be forced to act against Ger_ 
[°any. All these actions will add to the discontent that 
!s gradually becoming apparent among the British 
masses. Unrest at home and dissatisfaction with the 
attitude of the government abroad, met by a policy of 
repression, which is the tories' only answer to the dis- 
content of the people, will tend to strengthen the rev- 




in ary proletariat. 

\estern Europe is afire with revolution and when 
e ntlsh workers see their real condition it will be 
^•pnsmg if some o{ the sparks from the E ur0 pean 

will l n0t bUrSt int ° ° pen flame * The Irish sltuation 
> also contribute to the general discontent. Tory 

dl e e th nm T entS are notorious for their inability to han- 

. <■ Insh question, even in the slipshod manner of 

Ibe rals, and Ireland is in no mood to be trifled 

taking into consideration the recent actions of 

Canad "* Australia and the Present temper of the 

th ehestrtT° Ple ' lt ' S evident that a11 the artifices of 
■ . s hber al statesmen will be necessary to stave off 

it 1S f" But the liberal statesmen have just met 
obtaini n if Ast l uith and Henderson succeed in 

power ng R Seats at a By-election, they will have no 
are i n eactlon rules, the tories, booted and spurred, 
v etles bet e sad dle, . . . Liberalism no longer inter- 
^lion - e ^ Veen the tories and the workers. The revo- 

11 ls brewing. 

Th e International Socialist 

TKEN C ° n § reSS 

PatdTf Y ° rk CaU ° f Decem,ber 3 1 carries a dis ~ 

Ibat " a C , . m lts Pa ris correspondent to the effect 

" lgh Ar "crican official" had intimated that 

c ' 5l 'st d e i W0Ulcl be g rar »ted to ''American Labor So- 

Inttr nati o eR f te , S in 0rder that the >' ma >' attend the 
1 Socialist Congress," scheduled to meet 


;-au San 

What th?' Switzerla '^- on January 6. 
&lKre*«» C makeu P of this "International Socialist 

° *-aS Will V 

All 1S at the moment shrouded in mys- 

of the lat a PP e ars to be known about it on this 
Atlantic is that Camille Huysmans, the 

Belgian social-patriot and pre-war secretary of the 
^econd International, has sent a cablegram asking 

ga'tes nCan S0CiaHSt Party t0 aPP ° int three dcle " 
To put it mildly, it is astonishing that the holding 
of this congress should be of such immediate im- 
portance as to render it necessary to fix such a date 
tor its opening that prevents the members of the So- 
cialist of the various countries from electing 
heir delegates, or from instructing those delegates as 
to what stand they shall take on the various moment- 
ous questions now facing humanity. All the more is 
this haste astonishing when we remember that dur- 
ing the month of July, IOI4 , it was not thought neces _ 
sary to call the International together. During that 
crisis the time was too short ! 

Since the last Internationalist Socialist Congress 
was held many changes have taken place, many men 
and women whom the Socialist movement, the world 
over, was wont to trust have long since betrayed that 
trust. Have these people, who kept silent during the 
bloody years since August, 19x4, when the workers, 
misled and betrayed, writhed in the agony of inter 
national war, suddenly got a message of such import 
that they can't wait a month or so longer, until the 
membership of the International Socialist movement 
voices its desires? Are these men and women going 
to meet in the name of Socialism and again betray 
the revolutionary proletarian of the world? 

Are they suddenly going to attend an International 
congress, who a short time ago refused to sit with the 
delegates from certain other countries, because, for- 
sooth, their particular capitalist masters were at war 
with the capitalists of those countries; who, a few 
short weeks ago, were denying the existence of the 
International? Are these men and women, who be- 
trayed the International and practically forced the 
workers into the holocaust of fratricidal slaughter, 
going to again be allowed to disgrace the name of So- 

Has Huysmans the insolence to address the move- 
ment to which Debs, Lenin, Liebknecht, Trotzky, 
Jaures, Merrheim, Connolly, Luxemburg, Roland 
Host, Fritz Adler, Larkin, Hardie, MacLean, Laz- 
zari and the thousands of martyred, jailed, exiled men 
and women have given their lives and their energies? 
Are the social-patriots of the various governments, 
who have taken office and by their presence in those 
governments, sanctioned the invasion of Russia, goin» 
to meet in an International Socialist Congress with 
the representatives of Russia, are they going to 
stretch out their blood-stained hands to the Russian 
delegates and call them "comrade"? Or are they, like 
the Inter- Allied Labor Conference, going to foist 
Kerensky or some other Russian reactionary such as 
Mastov or Axelrod on the congress^? Perhaps this 
hastily called "International Socialist Congress" is 
going to " frame-up" Russia and Germany after the 
manner of the English and French "Socialist'' dele- 
gations who tried to push Russia back in the war, or 
as Schiedemann tried to force Italy in on the side of 

The Socialist movement has had enough of inter- 
national congresses dominated by such as these. No 
wonder Huysmans, Vandervelde & Co. call an "In- 
ternational Socialist Congress" in such a hurry that 
the rank and file of the Socialist movement will have 
no voice in the selection of the delegates. 

Are these valiant apostles of democracy going to 
confer with Scheidemann or are they going to repudi- 
ate him ? He was partly responsible for the war, ac- 
cording to their own statements ; he is at this very 
moment threatening to bring fresh war upon those 
workers of Germany who will not forget that they 
are Socialists; he acquiesced in the Brest-Litovsk 
"peace of violence." ... If they confer with 
Scheidemann how are they going to condone his ac- 
tions in supporting Imperial Germany, if they art- 
going to repudiate him how are they going to explain 

' ' '0 im- 

picked on the old slate? Does the American Socialist 
movement desire to participate in a congress convened 
by Huysmans, and of which it knows nothing? The 
National Executive Committee of the American So- 
cialist Party has been unable to meet since the armis- 
tice was signed. Although several branches and lo- 
cals have urged the convocation of an emergency con- 
vention nothing has been done regarding it, no prepa- 
ration has been made for the election of delegates 
to attend an International Socialist Conference, nor 
has the membership been given an opportunity of say- 
ing under what conditions it would agree to partici- 
pate in such a conference. It is true that we are com- 
mitted to the Zimmerwald International and have 
thus, in a limited measure, declared ourselves, and 
certainly the St. Louis Majority Report, which is the 
last considered expression of the membership, would 
not giye any grounds for the supposition that we favor 
a yellow International. 

The Second International is dead, killed by these 
very people who would now resurrect it, and the 
Zimmerwald International stands as the only expres- 
sion of the movement. Upon the framework of the 
Zimmerwald Conference the new international must 
be built if the Socialist movement of the world is to 
remain true to itself. The only International that can 
nde the crest of the wave sweeping over Russia, Ger- 
many and on westward is the Red Third International 
and Camille Huysmans is not the man to call it. 

Bolshevik] abs 

J± LL this discussion regarding the future of the Ger- 
man colonies seems very strange when we have 
heard so much about self-determination. But per- 
haps the determination depends on who the particu- 


their own actions in supporting their respectiv 
peri&lis.rns ? 

Does the International know these people who. 

few month 

the Internationa 

knew not the International? Docs 
il Socialist movement desire a congress 

lar "self" refers to. 

* * * 
Still judging by the recent action of the Irish there 

appears to be something in this self-determination 
after all, although we are sure that LIovd-George will 
teel very much annoyed at the translation of his 
words into action. 

* * * 
We would like very much to extend our congratu- 

Ut.ons to Mr. Asquith on his defeat. Although the 
newspapers have not yet awakened to the fact, Henrv 
Herbert is in a very strong position. What with the 
Bolshevikr, the Irish, the tories, the coming unem- 
ployment m England and the consequent awakening 
of the workers to the realization of the truth of the 
old proverb, "All is not gold that glitters," Lloyd- 
George is in for a very awkward time, to say the very 
east And Henry Herbert can always write a letter 
o the papers explaining exactly where David made 
the mistake and adding a postscript to the effect tha* 
of course, one could hardly expect anvthing better 
from the present government. 

* * * 
It is reported that General von LudendorfF has gone 

Ateh 7 s been in conference there with ^™- 

h,» L , " 0t } ' et heen officia "- v ported, „-, 

have the best reasons for believing that Admiral koll 
hack has gone to Germany for the purpose of con- 
fcmng w,th L.ebknecht The purposes of such con- 
ferences are not yet very clear, but it is assumed ,„ 
-Pons,b,e garters that Lndendorff is™ a pp an 
for the posu.on of doorman at the Bolshevik W. 
quarters and that in view of the fact that he i^be 
possessor of a fine collection of uniforms and d«! 
orahons he will i n all probability get the job 

* * * " 

Samuel Gompers is going to represent American 

-™» ™,n and jabbed with bayonets all 
"•crclv goes to show ' t ,;;. 0t '" ,' hc m0rnin S- W>ioh 

have mfnv live \ jT ' ^ Y* ** **-«*> 
«■ J4. Fiction's informant is Prince 

7°"., . • aocoums f« the fact that 
l "»dy » *■ alive, and although in re- 

put in 

^hl long and then 


the Lite 

duced circumsta 


Saturday, January 4, 1919 

The Bad Russian Bolsheviki 

INDEED, nothing is more frightful in this world 
than these Bolsheviki — a bad omen in the night! 
For instance, to mention only their chief — 'Lenin. 
He is the very image of a beast, an assassin, if we 
are to believe the local newspapers and magazines 
(and it is said they may, nay, must be believed) . His 
exterior may be described thus: collosal in stature, 
squinting Chinese eyes, a large belt under which are 
always thrust at least a dozen revolvers, in a large 
brimmed hat — indeed, a very picture of Villa, perhaps 
a trifle more dreadful ! So much for his exterior, and 
as to his deeds, things look still worse. As morning- 
comes he thrusts a half dozen, and sometimes a full 
dozen, bombs into his pockets and goes out in the 
street where he starts to throw them at every passerby 
and to shoot from the revolvers ! Killing thus about 
half a hundred men he returns home and rests till 
lunch time ; during the lunch hour he enegages in the 
same sort of business and night finds him doing the 
same thing- all over again. So it comes to pass that 
each day he murders at least a few hundred individu- 
als. Is it not dreadful ? This sort of things forms the 
subject of the newspapers, and we cannot but to 
believe — for they know everything. Such is Lenin, 
but the rest of the Bolsheviki are really not much 
better. Their only occupation consists in torturing 
and killing bankers, factory owners, engineers, artists 
and writers. Here is M. Gorki, for an example. He 
is indeed a genius, a universally known writer, but 
that could not spare him from the Bolsheviki. They 
have tortured and beaten him up so much that 

finally he could bear it no longer and . . . himself 
became a Bolshevik! And he threw in his wife into 
the bargain ; she has turned Bolshevik. At the 
present moment they work together with Lenin. Poor 
Gorki ! He must be now such a frightful sight ! 

Or, there is Breshkovskaya. . . . The Bolsheviki 
several times sent her to the world beyond ! Kind- 
hearted folks scribbling in one of the local Russian 
papers (A Menshevist paper; hence, also, a quite re- 
liable source) shed even a few tears over her death : 
"The poor dear old soul was murdered; gone is our 
grandmother — a murder, a murder!" — such were the 
mourning wails over the dead body. "The Czars 
tortured her — the incomparable one — and yet they 
could not kill her; the Czar's servants tortured 
her, but could not make an end of her. But . . . 
came the Bolsheviki and killed her! . . ." 

Yes, they killed her — nay, she was several times 
killed. Are not the Bolsheviki monsters after that? 
Not satisfied with killing her once, killing her sev- 
eral times ! 

And suddenly . . . suddenly news is flashed to the 
effect that the "grandmother" is still alive, is, in fact, 
on her way to America to her "grandchildren/' 
and, sitting in their editorial offices, these "un- 
dertakers" grumble: "The idea! An old woman 
like her! We have gone to the trouble to hold 
a mass over her, furnished the funeral and even de- 
livered the funeral orations and written obituary ar- 
ticles in honor of her. . . . Well ! She might have 

known better! She had better lay quietly under the 
earth! But no. . . . Now she gets up and troubles 
her own old bones ; why has she elected to resurrect 
herself! However, the worst of it is that the deuce 
takes her over to America! Really, the old woman 
has lost her senses !" 

Well, why should we trouble so much about her> 
. . . The grandmother, as everybody knows, is an 
old woman! But the young ones have been slaugh- 
tered by the Bolsheviki. They killed Tereschenko- 
Spirodonava was tortured to death, and many, many 
others. Oh, murderers! 

The other day a correspondent of one of the bie 
American bourgeois newspapers warned his readers 
thus : "Lenin," he wrote, "is a man of great talents 
deep thoughts and a statesman, and we make a big 
mistake not reckoning with him. . . ." 

There you are ! As for myself I do not tbelieve all 
this thing. Why the deuce do they talk about the 
Bolsheviki being capable people and all this rot? Why 
they — the Bolsheviki — cannot even kill in a proper 
manner: today they kill a person, and tomorrow the 
murdered one is resurrected and walks abroad the 
sinful earth as if nothing had -happened. If the capi- 
talist hand will press a little harder and crush our 
brother- workmen ! Then, of course, do not expect 
any resurrection business! Our capitalists, once they 
kill, make a clean job of it. But with the Bolsheviki 
it is different. All their victims of today are resur- 
rected tomorrow ! 

The Brotherhood of Sham 

THE season of Uriah-Heapy hypocrisy and uni- 
versal fakerie is, alas, once more here. The 
earth resounds with the glad tidings of the re-birth of 
the Christian spirit. And what, pray, are these good 
tidings that fill the tremulous air at this high tide of 
the year? There be first, good brethren, the exhilarat- 
ing Christian narrative of the most bloody war ever 
waged by mortal man in which (for the greater glory 
of God,no doubt) ten million Christian souls were mur- 
dered and twenty million Christian souls were mu- 
tilated (for the greater glory of God, no doubt). 
There be second, good brethren, the exhilarating 
Christian narrative of the occupancy of Governmental 
seats of (irresponsible) authority by the most reac- 
tionary clique of pompous politicians that ever con- 
spired against the destinies and hopes of the common 

Never before in the history of Parliamentary insti- 
tutions was misrepresented government so powerful- 
ly entrenched as in the year of our Christian Lord, 
I$l8. There be third, oh fellow Christians, the hair- 
raising knowledge that as a consequence of a world 
war motivated (as all good Christians believe, no 
doubt) by the thrilling ideal of a whole world made 
utterly safe for real democracy, we discover strange- 
ly that the only forces not represented at the culmi- 
nating "Peace" Conference are the forces of Dc- 

'p HE Lettish Fedeation of the American So- 
cialist Party is a good example of revolutionary 
organization, unity and Socialist consistency. In 
this respect it can serve as an example, not only for 
national federations grouping around the Socialist 
Party, but also for the party itself. It can be stated 
without exaggeration that the cause of revolutionary 
Socialism would have considerably profited in America 
had all organizations comprising the S. P. acted as 
the Lithuanian organizations. 

_ The round number of the membership of the Let- 
tish Federation is about 2,000 and almost all 
Of them are consistent Bolsheviki adherents of the 
Russian Soviet government and fully conscious In 
the American Socialist Party they comprise the core 
of trie left wing. The Lettish Menshevism is a quan- 
tity not to be reckoned with. The organ of the Let- 

By Samuel Smalhausen 

mocracy, Laborism, Socialism, Feminism, In- 
ternationalism, Sovietism, in sober truth, all the lib- 
erating radicalisms of our emerging social democracies 
— what of them in this, the most appalling crisis in 
the evolution of the modern State? We are piously 
exhorted to thank the Christian God for having 
brought us peace on earth and good will to man (and 
just before Xmas, too). This bloody Peace, stained 
with the counter-revolutionary invasion of Russia; 
this guilty Peace, stained with the anti-human creed 
of the. competing imperialisms: this unclean Peace, 
botched by vainglory, sacred-egoism, secret manoeuv- 
ering, capitalist collusion— we humbly thank Thee, 
oh Christian God, for thy abundant mercies in this 
the unforgettable: year of our common undoing. We 
thank Thee for having entrusted the Christian Capi- 
talist Bourgeoisie with the high pacific task of un- 
doing (by the employ of the historically legitimate 
Christian methods of blood and iron and steel) the 
revolutionary aspirations of the common folk of Fin- 
land, the Ukraine, Germany, Russia, Italy. ... No 
one who surveys with coldly impartial eye the hab- 
itable globe can longer doubt that the dream of Christ 
(that enigmatically bellicose pacifist) is illuminating 
the Christmas horizon! Behold the Allied occupa- 
tion of Siberia; behold the Japanese throttle-grip on 
meek unchristian China: behold the tantalizingly dem- 

The Lettish Socialists in America 

ocratic ambitions of an unchastened "Italy"; behold 
the unaccustomed spectacle of east-European 
pogroms; behold, oh my Christian brethren, these 
blood-red symbols of peace on earth and say not we 
owe aught but homage and unconditional soul-sur- 
render to the beneficent, all-wise, all-mericful God of 
the truth-loving Christians. 

Come, little brother, be not downcast. The swell- 
ing chorus of the Brotherhoom of Sham fills the 
discerning heart with a richer music than heathen 
man is attuned to. Let thy wicked heart be straignt- 
way purged and thy conscience be made whole and 
thy fface be clean uplifted, for the merry yule-tide 
is here. The Lord be praised. . . . Truth (as witness 
the American newspaper reports on Russia) ; Justice 
{ as witness the punishments meted out by gentle Chris- 
tian Judges to American-Revolutionary Socialists); 
Charity (as witness the reign of profiteering in our 
God-fearing land) :— these three, Truth, Justice, 
Charity, dwell side by side in our land, the healing 
virtues of a civilization founded on force and fraud 
and rescued from a bloody oblivion by the sensitive 
reverence for their betters, by the superstitious ac- 
quiscence in the tyrannical rule of the mighty Feu'- 
dalism on the part of the overawed masses. The war 
of the nations is well night over. The war of the 
classes has well-nicrh begun. 

From the "Novy Mir" 
tish Mensheviki, "Darba Bals" (The voice of La- 
bor" ), ceased to be published and the small group of 
Mensheviki formerly with the Lettish Federation lias 
begun to dwindle. 

Now almost all Lettish Socialists are partisans of the 
Third International and the principles of the Commun- 
ist Party (Bolsheviki). These principles they try to in- 
troduce into the American Socialist Party. In this 
case they do not merely limit themselves" to words, 
but are doing active work. 

It is of interest to learn how the Lettish Bolsheviki 
struggled for mastery in the Lettish Socialist move- 
ment. Tins struggle was a desperate one. Almost up 
to L914 the leaders of the Lettish Socialist organiza- 
tions m America stood on the platform of the Ameri- 
can Socialist Party, in which revolutionary phrase 

lives in perfect harmony with an actual opportunism. 
They did not wish to lend their ear to revolutionary 
Socialism in the slightest degree. Instead of an un- 
compromising struggle with opportunism they ad- 
vanced the idea of a co-operation of Bolshevism with 
Menshevism, intimating, in fact, that there W3S 
not any great difference between the two move- 
ments. The arrival in America of the old Let- 
tish revolutionary and theoretician. Rosin, with the 
active help of his partisans put Bolshevism on a firm 
footing in the Lettish organization. Already before 
the war our Lettish comrades had the opportunity of 
getting acquainted with the principal differences ex- 
pressed in the Socialist movement. "Strahdnoeks," the 
Organ of the Lettish Federation has become the fight- 
ing orga« of revolutionary Marxism and expresses 
current affairs from that particular point oi view. 

5at arday, January 4, 1919 


nd oi 

IS|S r ° Und B ?! the G — » Revolt 


ui In 

; class 

ism , 
r, tf 

lent develop: 


SS amagor 
struggle in parrel 
the war, the attitud 
le proletarian re vol: 
nomic and political 
nent of class acti 
:tivc and subjective 
nan Revolution, whi 
olution in Russia, 

By Louis C. Fraina 


Socialism and the War 


struggle to convert 
ion. ^ Majority Sock 

ier the stress of the 

in K 


n— th< 

'untly will 

are the 
'he com- 


f the 

;arian rei 
\y oi the 

K war was a product of Imperialism— of the err 
nomic, finanaa political .and territorial antagonism" 
and appetites or Imperialism. B "'■ 

What is Imperialism, its relation to Capitalism an, 
Socialism? dUL 

rag to the concentration of industry and the ac 
fcfna or capital, the development of r .rWi 
generally competitive CapitalisnfdeTebps ^S? 
cpolis ic Capitalism, As industry concentrat es and 
capital becomes monopolistic, three acts emerge n! 
industry comes under the domination of finan'ce-ca^' 
£33 and tne banks, finance-capital hem- the ?,„ ;♦ P r 
industrial capita! with banking capital ; t WOj the nome 
market becomes insufficient to absorb the \Z^ ) 
capital it has become industrialized, and new Sde 
vdoped I regions must be acquired and industrahzed ■ 
three, the terrific accumulations of capital produce/' 
asnrpfas capital which is not absorbed hv the mean 
or the national economy, and which must b TZ 
ported The export" of capital, accordingly, and its 
corrective industrial aspects, becomes the n^ve-cen 
tre of monopolistic Capitalism and Imperialism; ami 
a struggle ensues between each national Capitalism 
d Imperialism or control of foreign investment ma" 
ke.s and undeveloped territory which can absorb 

Z :f S ? pitaI Md means of P-duction o 
money and machinery-. 

fc^S?' £7-? T S " ° f ****&<*. becomes 
S an A ltS J ™ and COntro] remai * "*■ 
Sn Drorhl C ? ntradlctlons m«erent in this condi- 
Scant] ^ LC anta S° nisms ™d war. Lmperial- 
a isJ Tin S ' more ? ver ' is the Anal stage of Capi- 
DenXr S f Se: that k has become P^asitic, de- 

pending upon the exploitation of "backward" peoples, 

cc^JkT dev , el °P £d fu % ^e means of production 
S£ V"* the Iimitations of the private own- 
Drr?it -J u meanS of Production, and that it has 
wrif -f . necessit >' ^ f international production, a 
ecesaty that implies either the Social Revolution 
r/;™ • ? m ' Gr war and the explosive antagonisms 
of impenahstic Capitalism. Only Socialism could 
but « r ™ u] ?P l y' m S contradictions of Imperialism : 
thA 5! Ca P 3taIlsm cannot accept Socialism, it chooses 
«* desperate means of war. 

noSe " Irn PeriaHsm f the broadening of the eco- 
iim : t'i ° P £ ortunit >" of one nation necessarily means 
nafan . opportunity of a competing nation ; each 
ves ' t stru SS ks . * a t first peacefully, for control of in- 
tiiT 711 markets and undeveloped territory; but a 
rne comes when this competition is insufficient, the 
SS? ,S ? S flare U P> ^P^cabJy, and war results- 
rA-^1 war comcs th e revolutionary crisis and rev- 

Each r 

each m 

the f Uf 

ared tha 



and th 

its ov 

red th; 
n depc 




war, manufa 
' ^Gernt^^7sS£ 

acted idemka f ^S?" ""1 F^ SodaIis <* 
and, with A^tmSSi :t C, S r IiSm ' 

nant petty bourgeois SocialSn £^' ^^ 
and the counter-revolution. imperialism 

thJSS ^ 0Ught thS C ° llapSe 0f the international since 
he most important parties of Socialism accepted nt 
tionahsmand social-Imperialism. The coUaW-S 
acccnH nS1St !"■ ^^ "° P revent the -ar/but in 
i^oT^ f", J ' UStlfy u mg the War ' m ^ufacturing its 
ideolop, declaring that an imperialistic war was in 
accord with Socialism, acting to prevent proletarian 
action against the war. It was betrayal of Socialism 
and the proletariat. Socialism, the dominant Social- 
ism, had become nationalistic and petty bourgeois a 
phase of the national liberal reform movement— had 
abandoned the revolutionary tasks of Socialism and 
developed into a conservative and conserving factor 
in the governing system of things. 

Imperialism and the war had objectively intro- 
duced the social-revolutionary era— and the war had 
precipitated the revolutionary crisis. The policy oi 
international Socialism as formulated at the Basel 
Socialist Congress was that, should war eventuate, it 
was the task of Socialism to use the economic and 
political crisis to develop revolutionary action for the 
overthrow of Capitalism. Majority Socialism argued 
that; since the proletariat did not make a revolution 
upon the declaration of war, there was no alternative 
but to support the war, "revolution" having proven an 
illusion. But this was a miserable subterfuge — it was 
majority Socialism that abandoned the revolution and 
the masses. Revolutionary Socialism never imagined 
that the war would immediately bring a revolution; 
it affirmed that the war would objectively create a 
revolutionary crisis which it was the task of Sociai- 

^onary action, the'proletari 

wa /, against Capitalism and Imperi 

Wen ^ °' min ° r im POrtana 

. v ' n :cn Serbia served as the 

imn.,-7 • A ^dair crisis, wl 
ta j P ;^;ic; whether French 

Imp^r CXploit thc r ««»rces oi 

laiism should conquer the otl 
■ n this imperi, 


gle against 

en thc 

clash was 
rents; thc. 
had been 
up at thc 
Issue was dearly 
or German capi- 
Morrxrco, which 



to demand the release of all 
Political Prisoners 

Sunday, January 5, 1919 

at 2 p. m. 

Grand Opera House 

cor. Washington and Dover Sts. i 


Jacob Panken 

New York Municipal Judge 

Eadmonn MacAIpine 

Music and Revolutionary Songs 

Aospicea Boston Socialist Pkrty 

^? L \ rastrument of Capitalism and 
agamst Sociahs™ and .the proletariat. 
Tne ^ collapse of the dominant Sr^-V 
n::,eraol e _ and complete in German? 
Democratic Party there had been the most poierfid 
orall socialist parties, the exemplar of interrn^ai 
; <>c : ahsm; and the disgrace of its acceptancV'a^' 
jusnncaaoD.oi an imperialistic war of conquest was 
as great as its previous prestige. 

sh^ rity ^^T in Ge ^^y developed into - 
wwjueiess any or the government and the var T r 
sent its agents to Italy to urge Socialists to compel 
the government to enter the war as an ally of Gerl 

S~^ " th£ French SociaIi5t J^ Gnesde 
urged similar act 10 n to make Italy an allv of Frenct 
Imperialism. The class characte- of SoriaiUm *7- 
aoandoned. While the German proletanat was b^ 
slaughtered m a war of conquest, German raajoriS 
bocialisnl justified the slaughter and urged the prole- 
tariat to acquiesce. A certain section of German So- 
cialism proclaimed boldly that Imperialism was neces- 
sary or tne realization of Socialism. Majoritv Sn- 
ciahsm aihed itself with the Imperial Government 
and the General Staff, against Socialism and the 
proletariat, allied itself with the police against groups 
representing revolutionary Socialism. 

_ On August 4 , 1914, the Socialist representative- 
in the Reichstag, through Hugo Haase, had voted 
solidly lor the war credit. But in the caucus there 
had been a division, eighteen having opposed the af- 
firmative action, including Karl Lieknecht ; the "partv" 
discipline prevented them from voting "no" in the 
Reichstag. But in December, Liebknecht voted "no" 
on the credit; and this vote on a subsequent credit 
grew to eighteen. In May, 1916, Hugo Haase and 
others who voted against the credits were expelled 
frdm the German Socialist Parliamentary group; and 
in April, 1917, Haase and the growing minority with- 
in the Social Democratic Party organized a new party, 
the Independent Socialist Party. This partv was. 
largely, against the war, not on Vevolutiona-y Social- 
ist grounds, but on liberal, petty bourgeois and pacifist 
grounds; Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg and 
others attacked the party bitterly as not being in ac- 
cord with revolutionary Socialism. The revolution- 
ary Socialists organized in the Spartacus Group and 
the Group Internationale, their policy being the strug- 
gle for the proletarian revolution in Germany — repre- 
senting the real tendency and policy of revolutionary 

_ It was inevitable that the war should intensify So- 
cialist divisions. The masses, abandoned by tbdr 
unions and by majority Socialism, had to march quiet- 
ly to the shambles; but as the war continued and the 
crisis became more intense, the masses began to stir, 
revolutionary currents developed against the war- 
all of which influenced organized Socialism. The So- 
cialist minority against the war developed increasing 
strength everywhere; but this minority itself was di- 
vided; one faction, represented by the Independent 
Socialist Party in Germany and by lean Longuet in 
France, was "against the war" on pacifist grounds; 
it did not embrace revolutionary Sotialisn 
to reconstitute the Socialist movement as 
prior to August 4, 1914 — this action did 
that the old movement, its immediate pv 
tactics, was dead, and that thc new social 
ary epoch of Imperialism required new 
TLirposes and tactics: the revolutionar 
igarnsl and Imperialism by mean- of j 
tnd civil war. ] his revolutionary ;.-;•: 
k.Fcv of the other faction, represented I v 
rod 'Rosa Luxemburg i r . Germany, by 1 
kferrheim in France." by most r,f rhc' Sc 
taiv, by Anton Pannekoek and bis partv ; 
nd others in Fnrtand. and S 

; it wished 
: had been 
lot realize 

noses and 

ri in Rossi* 

ar could be □ 

ggie of S 

e than a 


— — . __ Saturday, jfa nuary ,j t 19l9 

Tschitcherin's Report to the Fifth Soviet Congress, July, 19ig 

TrantlaUd from th» D« NUuwe Tijd, the Dutch left wing Socialist magazine, by B. Auerhaan. 

decidedly f r j endlv ^ 





DURING the period that followed the signing of 
the Brest-IatQvsk peace, we 6nd that our for- 
eign policy developed along different lines 
than those followed (hiring the first few months after 
the October Revolution. (October Revolution ac- 
COrdmg to the Russian calendar, is known as the: No- 
vember Revolution, the proletarian revolution of No- 
vember 6 and 7, to i;.) The basis of our foreign 
polk-.v Since the v.ul of tot; and the beginning of] 
tOiN has been a revolutionary offensive. 

stej> with an immediately expected 
tov which the Russian October 

uive been the signal. It was espe- 
cially meant to reach the revolutionary proletariat of 
all countries and to arouse them to combat imperial- 
!M!! - nui ll>! present capitalist system of society. (We 
remind our readers that at this time until the peace of 
Brest- Litovsk, not Tschitcherin, but Trotzky, was 
People's Commissaire for Foreign Affairs.) 

After the proletariat of other countries refused 
then direct support for the destruction of revolution- 
ary Russia, our foreign policy was radically changed 
through the occupation of Knland, the Ukraine, the 
Baltic Provinces. Poland, Lithuania and White Rus- 
sia b v the armies of German-Austrian Imperialism. 
In the last four months (March to June, 191S) We 
were compelled to make it our object to avoid all the 
dangers which menaced us from all sides and to gain 
as much time as possible: in the first place, to assist 
the growth of the proletarian movements in othercoun- 
tries, and in the second place, to establish more firmly 
the political and social ideals of the Soviet govern- 
ment amongst the broad masses of the people of Rus- 
sia and to bring about their united support, for the 
program of the Soviets. 

cialist Revolution of October. 1917, to a Successful 

The period following the signing of the I'resl- 
I.itovsk peace is characteristic because the German 
offensive was not marked on the whole Eastern Front 
by a distinct line. Finland and the Ukraine were free 
of Soviet troops, but the masses of these parts con- 
tinued the struggle. The Entene Powers withdrew 
during this time their entire military support, at the 
same time remaining as rulers in places from which 
they should have withdrawn. As a momentary proof 
that the relations between Russia and the Central 
Powers was changed to ordinary peaceful relations, 
we must point to the arrival of Count von Mirbaeh 
(who was afterwards assassinated by Russian coun- 
ter-revolutionists) in Moscow on April 23, 1918, and 
the arrival of our Russian comrade, Joffe, in Berlin 
on April 20, 191 S. 

Concerning the former allies of Russia, we must 
look upon the landing of Japanese troops in Vladivo- 
stok on April 5, which landing was, nevertheless, ac- 
compmed by assurances from Japan's allies that this 
fact was not meant as an attempt to interfere in the 
internal affairs of Russia, In the meantime a great 
sect.on of the English and French press was carrying- 
on propaganda for the occupation of Russia under the 
slogan that such intervention was meant for the sav- 
ing of Russia. But the government of the Entente 
Powers adhered to a very careful policy regarding 
Kussm. especially did the government of the United 

America adopt 

States of 

The time which now followed was , m L., 1 . 
with regard ,o Gen.any, The <**£&£*# 
the German-Austrian armies after having n d 

the whole of Finland and the Ukraine, Jf^** 

The Socialism of the Left 

Soviet Russia, with as yet no force sufficient to pro- 


ened it a 
its fore is. 
thanks to 

tions think- 

1 s&aHtio 

own boundaries, surrounded by enemies wait- 
lownfall, suffering from a period of un- 
^terioration caused by the war and Czar- 
ays cognizant of the dangers whieh threat- 
erv step, had to be constantly vigilant in 
vhcy. The policy of delay was. possible 
' diversity of interest, not only of ooth co- 
* iItl0ns We C-enral Powers and the Allied Powers), 
;nt aiso with n each of these groups and in the respec- 
tive imperialism of all the warring countries. The 

!"' Mt!, ," i , n:i thC WCStern Fr ° nt (Belgium-France) 
Bound the powers of both coalitions temporarily to 
uch an extent that neither of the two decided to aim 
<» tne direct and entire destruction of Russia. 

tio " of these imperialistic groups in both coali- 
1 the future, of after the war, ofi ceo- 
is with Russia, with this world market 
"pe tor development. This element in 
>ns would preter a compromise instead of 
° n Pohcv lor the sake of economic ad- 
he hope to embroil Russia in the war 

K,t hu!lt ll P. Plays a part in the cal- 
htu»ns. The military party j n 
*er an attack for the suppres- 
ernment of Russia. 
nent, although it had decided 
because it did not strive for a 
«U!C, was. nevertheless, compelled, after 
litovsk. to work for armed re- 
'tune to reckon with those dtr- 
Sing the war parties. These 

eak and we are not able to 
1 our own militarv power. Th« 

u' movement has not as yet 
herefore our report is .1 grave 
■" tabOtt( our retreat, about the 

-■ make in order to jive Ru* 

her feet, (0 organize her 
1 the moment when the prolo 

s will help us to bring the So- 

,th < 



Socialist Reconstruction. By Lo;iis C. Fraina 'The 
Communist Press, New York. Price 75c, pp. 246. 

This is a very interesting, suggestive and con- 
structive book on present-day international and revo- 
lutionary Socialism. The book is the present-day in- 
terpretation of what 1 may call Socialism of the first 
class for the Socialist tactics and policies of the Sec- 
ond International are dead and in their places have 
ansen those of the Third Iuternational-the princi- 
ples and tactics promulgated and applied in Russia 
by Lenin and Trotzky. with such marked success for 
over a year) Fraina expounds ami analyzes the great 
historic Marxian Socialism centered in the Bolshevik 
government of the Russian Soviet Republic, and * 

Socialism expounded in the spirit of fairness and 

wtice. and interpreting the Russian Bolshevik revo- 

£.on is 01 the greatest value just now. for the works 

on Soc ahsm written before the Bolshevik revolution. 

-d nsmce then by those of the "righr and ''cen- 

the *7, V"T y n ° VaUle as m J ^erpretation of 
^present and future International Socialist move- 

Tie ' S Mandan and rev ^ionary to 

J^;^n,ore valuable in that it deals with 
»« **& oi development which is now dominant all 
£"£ -rkl namely: Capitalist Imperialism a 
its relation to the world proletariat. 

V* an interpretation of the present economic, politi- 
Uul ^ernati Wa l situation. -Revolutionary 

• •— v .M.uuc, lnvadei 
territory of the Soviet government and cam- f 
face with Soviet troops, so that there »«* 
tinuous skirmishes along the whole line of debnT' 
tion and Petrograd was directly menaced t 
White Guards (Finnish counter-revobtionis'ts) M 
by Germans drove into the Murman territory , , 
Port Ino, the key to Petrograd. was in gra 1, 
At the same time the German army cT t Lf' 
n ; arch<mtl ; e Ukraine front into £,££«* 
Kursk and Woronesj, into the Domnetz basin J 
to the River Don. In the south the Ge^tcu 
pied the Crimea and, continuing their march hZ \ 
the Don, attacked Batoisk (opposite Rostof i„ the d! 
valley near Azof). Counter-revolutionary &L 
forced their way into the Don and Kurban tiisfe 
fthe western part of the north Caucasus) under th 
protection of the Germans. 

At last the German troops landed in the vicinity of 

Sea) while the Fmmsh troops on the other side beean 
their march in the Caucasus in the direction of Bab 
on the Caspian Sea). This critical period was set- 
ed on the Finnish frontier by an agreement between 
the German and the Russian governments concerning 
a basis for a treaty between Russia and Finland | 
gradual relaxing of military skirmishes on the Ukraine 
front was directly noticeable, caused by the beginning 
o peace negotiations in Kiev between Russia and the 
Herman government. 

The result of our so sharply conducted political 
dealing was: the retreat of that part of the Russian 
fleet (the Black Sea fleet) to Sebastopol and from 
there it sailed to Noworossysk (the harbor of the He- 
man menaced Koeban district). The demand for the 
return of this district was considered as an indispens- 
able condition to territorial, as well as political and 
economic relations between Soviet Russia and Ger- 
man Ukraine. 

Up to this moment (beginning of July, iQiS) the 
most critical question seems to concern the Caucasus 
and can be attended by grave ensequenecs, also the 
crisis in the Don, where counter-revolutionary activity 
is not yet settled. But the retreat of the fleet 'to Sebas- 
topol made it possible for the mixed commission ia 
Berlin to commence its work. This commission was 
made up of two parts; one a financial and judicial 
committee whose work consisted in planning a basis 
for peaceful economic relations between Russia and 
Germany ; the other, a political, committee whose task- 
it was to solve the questions arising- out of the Brest- 
Litovsk treaty. 

A new negative moment in the relation between 
Russia and her former Allies was the uprising oi the 
C zeeho-Slovaks. In this case it developed that the 

at last 

governments oi the Entente sioo„ „ 
who, like the Ci-eeho-Slovaks, served 1 
counter-revolution in Russia. 

Directly after these events followed t 
Pne-hsh troops on the Murman Oast an 


talist im 

if tin 

is the bt 

come n 


<t hook I h 

a ->triek ; n 


tot \ , 

nr \ete 



battle foi the Soei i] K 
Adler. Rosa U.xemhn 

Sfhi to the successful © 
tarun peace. Foi this 

best .oid iiiom valuably 

Socialist will re.u! au,\ v 

n world 
ts. The 

lUSt t;iki' 

" read. Peace 

Put it is a 
peace of the 

between Capi- 

nd the vlecJaratio 
i'ter vent ion becoi 

lements in the I 


O! tl, 

md fri 

diplomats the 

tunnies whos 

ulb relit ion 

'e. and reveal 

ose elements 
support the 

hit th. 

the held of 
solution, Uebkneeht, Frita 
^ l e»»Oi will lead on the 
inclusion of a Socialist prole- 
battle Fraina's b tH >k is the 
fifukle. 1 bo r c everj trt;c 
■ueuute it widely, 

Si \ K\T\VAM\, 

•viet Commi^saire 

Russia continue their StTUgJ 
tinie the extraordinary shor 
oi attacking Russia. Thus 
the prohU-ins are that the 

< : ^i upon 10 solve; w, have been careful in our de- 
liberations to avoid all dangers which would lead ro 
irreparable actions from the side of ou 
«ftd have taken aU possible steps to bring ahoul • 
peaceful solution of our difficulties with both coali- 

-:*0": :/^M 

^•- ■■■ ■) 

SHturvW. J anuary 4, 1919 

The Reconstruction Prog 


. Tt* « : /V ^<*»««C'G> r.. in the name 
A * » ' rtfnews its adherence to the 

/-\ ^ points of President Wilson, proclaiming that 
• »P e s race*' depends on the foi- 
ls, »g pr««cjP l « s: 
ist Constitution of a -1 eague of Nations" 
.,■.-. ee c< ?f*n«*°n of all the people, hav- 
"., ; ts ) *«p e i tin . re disappearance of all cau*- 
,/\ futu e wars and the establishment of interna- 

Xo economic war, which starting; in one couiv 
^ will tnevita&y compel the nation in question to re- 
iAo reciprocal measures in the desperation of self- 
defense. The principle mercantile waterways should 
be free tfl the merchantmen of all countries! under 
the protection, oi the League of Nations, Xo eco- 
B0B n C sm, which finally leads to the spolia- 

: - working class. 

jrd E ver >' section applying- a specialization of its 

-;-';;- . •:' production through wise selection, conform- 

..". and physical resources. The re- 

ki e 5 g he at the world should be 

scafe free and rapid exchanges without 

iterfeience to others, « this an International Bu- 

-:.:•: and Repartition of Raw Ma- 

1 be created, and the internationalization 

:; C lonial Domain should be affected, with a 

view : '■'■ ion of al! the resources oi the 

so aid ander-soil for the general welfare of hu- 

• large, and for the purpose of relieving- the 

naterial needs of nations. 

_ i -'' repressions, based on revengeful inien- 
reparation of the damages done to 
: ': I reg ons,. Xo territorial annexations and 
■7 :;entance of the rights of all people to self-de- 

ram of the French Syndicalists 

Translated by Andre Courland 

economic conditions. 1 
^mpioynWut should 
la °or organic 

;th. The League of Nations, bringing forth a new 
coastftutkroal jurisdiction, shall begin at once a gen- 
era! disarmament 2nd bring it to a complete end." 
■--. .. „; v t^jH militarism, all shades of militarism, be 
defeated and m --national democracy shall triumph. 

Syndical Rights 

The C. G. T. for the above reasons and in order to 
iefead the labor clauses that will be included in the 
«acc treaty, demands an official place at the Peace 
::': and demands that the peace covenants shall be 
't- and public It also declares the necessity of an 
Ktfernational labor congress. 

meeting tfte Russian. Austrian. Hungarian. Ger- 
~~ zr Revolutions the C. G. T. claims that the French 
'"-""""' cy must not be inferior in its social realiza- 
/' Consequently it demands the re-establishment 
'" ^nstitntioDal freedom of speech and assemblage, 
j suppression :, :' the censor, a complete and general 
'"■- "" '--• civil and military war prisoners. 

- ■"■-'"" " ~~ that labor shall no longer be accented 
'''/: ' ~ [nodity to he handled at its mercy by capita 1 , 
7T* V rodustrial slavery must disappear the C. G. T. 
; : _ "v 1 - l ' nt National recognization of syndical rights 
r orkers and for all employees of departments, 
■ «s communes and municipalities and for all the 
~-<\ administration employees. It insists on the 
ince and regulation of 'an international Sea- 
■ and the freedom of seamen to leave their 
*ery stop. The right of the syndicats to in- 
labor questions must be recognized, 
t 01 a national industrial scale of wages 
alized to all forms of industry, by col- 
wients under the supervision and control 
heal organizations. 
.. that the development of industrial prog- 
Bd / esult ' n perfecting and modifying the took 
" t T tbotis pt Production, the C G. T. proclaims 
cttBttdTy^S day m industry, commerce and agn- 
' ■ be not more than eight hours, that night 
'- forbidden to women and adolescents un- 
5 of age. Compulsory education must be 
1 1 years of age. 

Economic Reconstruction 

on of the above principles the C G. T, 

ar >^ the general demobilization and also 

ljustment of war productions into peace 

mcerned, the institution of a Nation- 

P! c ' ouncil, '--operating with regional conn- 

.." ni ^. the syndicalist organizations shall have 

irect rei 

8 demobilization and the return to norma! 

1 evaded regions 

opposes the 

*t funds for idle periods and 

" created under the care of 

the reconstruction of the 

abor movement energeti- 

cally opposes the uv„„ .' OI ; niovenient cner S eti 
°W Of public nusc- at ° n of , new ^rtunes mad, 

Should, to theTStnJ n Umds that these w orki 
the orirani^vi 'S!., P ^ S i ble .^ent be effected M 

: importance 


— effected by 
bodies, including in their 

« of the" Wd«e"« a i^ S qUalificd re P- 

' ' 18 ye; 
t ^Med 1 


ers and consumers. 

employment being assured, it is 

1KHv :; ill0S ' consumers, and plants rc- 


principal ot 

advisable that the 

also the 

, ftest principles of hygiene, 
mcluding workmen's habita- 

bow and open spaces for p, tic health and the physi- 


entativeSj who, in harmony witn tnc 
}l all determine the .general rules gov- 

sanitation and astheties. 

cal development of children. 

Future National Efforts 

labor ["mi: nlace r y h th C ^ C - T - daimS f ° r or ^» ized 
t^onal producttr ^ CU ° n a " d COntro1 of na ~ 

«SJ£S? r COr p niz:itio » m » st ^ based on the 
tooU?nd n Zl dcvel °P nient of national industrial 
e« \\Z \ T "f r - Vl tHe unHm ited spreading of gen- 
ial and technical tree education, and to that end the 

W. and the application of the best and latest 

enfaons and improvements. The stimulus of nri- 

tiative must not be madt an excuse for the 

restriction of production, and the over- 

v.orc ot the producers, the consequences of which 

arc harmtnl to production itself. 

Tb* :yrkva chss, therefore, shall direct the na- 
t anal effort towards this end. 

The ration cannot, vvithqut compromising the co l 
'* C ^ :, V' n ' which she is the sole guardian, aban- 

don her soc • -' it to the control of her economic 
•or.s. which were created bv the labor of 
past ^mentions, maintained and develooed by the 
common effort. In order to secure the permanent 
exercis* of this social right the nation must; !iave 
complete control of all branches of production, which 
from their inception to their fullest development 
the protection and help of the state. 

The nation shall maintain under the strictest de- 
pendency all private enterprises which in addition to 
th: advantages already named profit by certain powers 
delegated to them by the state, county or commune. 

The State Rights 

If it is objectionable to have the state control ap- 
plied to everything without the active and healthy as- 
sistance of individual initiative, it is not less essential 
to see that all the necessities of life, whether personal 
or national, should be handed over to private inter- 
est without then beioe required to direct their efforts 
toward conformity with the interest of the people. 

This rontrol. evercised in the name of the state ior 
the producers and consumers, should be exerted in 
the mo^t active and practical way and not in the pas- 
siv: and retrospective form that is actually in use. 

It must he vigorous enough to keep the mastery of 
production and its values of technical developments 
and conditions of labor, of wages and various insur- 
ances, also of the fust repartition of nrofits above nor- 
mal interest in limited dividends, including loss in- 

Thus established this control will insure the func- 
tio d 1 "^ of a regime of association between the state 
and industry and those instances where private ini- 
tiative and free competition is still permitted. 

y; uC • : nt anv t : pv through the concentration of capi- 
talist agreements in the field of raw materials, essen- 
tial orca is of production, or any necessary product, 
market values arc in danger of" being manipulated, 
government control should be imposed as a means of 
equilibrium between values and production. In thisjm- 
an excessive fiscal taxation on monopolized products 
should not aggravate the perils and abuses of private 
industry making these products a menace to the na- 
tional industries. 

Th" economic reorganization will not produce any 
effect if the nation dors not take over, maintain and 
MtablWi her social right over property, over collec- 
i'ches and the mean- to produce and exchange 
rit,, and if she d< efi not give more and more power 
[the various departments, communes, co-operatives 

, Lw collective organizations to conduct their busi- 
„«s in co-operation with the civil administration. 
!.. hcrc qualified representatives of the producers and 
consumers should sit. 

But it is highly essential that at first strict mea 
regarding education, prevention of disease and insur- 
ance should be provided. 

The security of the individual is of mor 
than the security of Droperty. 

In consequence nothing should be neglected to see 
that soaety allows to everyone the full development 
of his intellectual faculties, that it prevents die spread 
if alcoholism, that by social insurance it sets a guar- 
antee agamst unemployment, sickness and old age for 
all members of the producing class so that it should 
constantly maintain an equilibrium between their re- 
sources and their means, particularly so when they 
assume a larger charge by an extension of their fam- 
ilies to the social profit. 

Foreign Help 

For alt the above reasons, the C. G. T, proclaims 
that every worker, no matter what his nationality may 
be,_has the right to work where he can best occupy his 
activities. That every worker shall enjoy the privil- 
eges and guarantees of syndicats. and also have the 
right to participate personally in an official capacity in 
the country where he exercises his activities. 

No worker shall be expelled for his syndical or co- 
operative activities. 

No foreign worker shall receive lower wages or be 
submitted to inferior working conditions than the 
current and norriial conditions prevailing in the same 
town or region and im the same occupation or spe- 

That these conditions and wages should be speci- 
fied in contracts between workers' syndicats and em- 
ployers associations, that the immigration of workers 
shall i?e organized and placed under the control of' 
organizations composing representatives of national 
workers' organizations as well as employers associa- 

The recruiting of workers in foreign lands is not 
to be permitted, unless submitted to commissions of 
the lands in question, who will have to take into con- 
a deration the real need of the industry or the region 
and that the contracts of employment" should clearly 
define the salaries and working conditions which must 
be in conformity with the above prescription. The 
recruiting of immigrants is to be placed under con- 
trol of the working organization in the emigrating 
countries, the contract execution shall be under the 
same control. 

In case it will be necessary to call upon colored help 
the recruiting should fall under the same ruling as 
that affecting European workers and they shall enjoy 
the same rights and privileges. 

Furthermore, the industries employing colored help 
must organize, at tho> own expense and under the 
control of the public service, the necessary schools 
where they shall be taught to speak, read and write 
the language of the country. 

Labor Legislation 

That the workers, injured in their work, should 
receive their full salaries during their incapacity. 
This to be also applied to foreign labor. That occu- 
pational sickness shotdd be considered as accident 
and come under the above conditions. 

That every worker has a right to old ace and in- 
valid pension enough to allow him to live normal- 
ly. To this end pensions, having tho r base on sick- 
ness, shall be instituted. 

Against the High Cost of Living 

To obviate the difficulties of the high cost of living 
on the working class the C. G. T. declares iSiat all 
tariffs and taxes on foodstuffs, on all heating and 
lighting materials should be abolished. 

That a public service, national, communal and co- 
operative, of foodstuffs shall be organized: this office 
will furnish its products without profit, thus estab- 
lishing a minimum price of production equivalent to 
the sale price, thus regulating the market price. 

This office will be placed under the supervision or 
the delegates of organized workers and consumers. 

The C. G, T. declared that this is ; is minimum pro- 
gram and shall be immediately put into nractice. For 
this it asks the syndicalist organizations to make this 
the basis of their action until complete satisfaction is 

For the C. G. T, Federal 
Committee, Toutiaux Section, 


rday, January 4, 1919 

A White New Year 

RED ia the color of the revolutionary working- 
class. White is the color of the capitalist class, 
in Russia, Finland, and now in Germany, the 
Red Guards, composed of armed industrial workers, 
fade and are making the Revolution. And in ail 
<?sc countries the White Guards, made up of voluti- 
ns from the capitalist class, sons of factory-owners, 
university students, took up arms to 
.'fend their property. And when, as in Finland, the 
V'hite Guards beat the Red Guards, they slaughtered 
5 workers by tens of thousands. This state of things 
called the White Terror, It is much more terrible 
i the Red Terror, If anyone doubts that the Gov- 
nents of the Allied nations are capitalist Govem- 
nls, let him remember that the Government of the 
iked States protested against the Red Terror, and 
t only did not protest against the White Terror in 
nland, but allowed representatives of the Finnish 
hite Guards freely to come to this country, while 
the same time the Finnish White Guards were 
ported -by German troops. 

\'ot only are there White Terrors in Europe, how- 

, but also in our own country. The suppression 

free speech and press, the jailing of Socialists and 

up ions of the working-class, the lynch ings, the 

r-and- featherings, the assaults of soldiers on So- 

alist meetings, the ban on the red flag in New York, 

I this is called in the European Socialist press— the 

•ench and Italian paper?), among others— the White 

:rror in America. The whole manner of the ron- 

of the war at home revealed very clearly what 

I of a war it was, and for whose interest. Tim 

lling of Frank iLittlc in Montana, the deportation 

the copper miners in Arizona, the continued perse- 

on of Tom Mooney i n San Francisco, the estab- 

nerit with arbitrary powers, of White Guard or- 

Sizations all over the United States— local Cotm- 

O'f National Defense, American Protective 

ie -all these incidents ought clearly to have 

wen that, in the eyes of the capitalist class, this 

anything but a "War for Democracy." 

Eyery working-man, no matter how patriotic or 

much tn sympathy with the war he might be, 

i have been irritated at the way he was forced to 

Liberty Bonds and Subscribe to the Red Gross, 

lb'- alternative of losing his job. The people 
$ht Middle West will not soon forget the reign oj 

which wan inaugurated there by the bankers, 
factory-owners and newspaper-editors during the 
1 he cloud of Government and private spies 
made every man, loyal or disloyal, foreigner or 
sin, be careful what opinions he expressed, 
IV. ■ America, fighting for liberty, or Czarist 
, tlie Kaiser's Germany? 
y honest and conscientious worker., however, 
""'1 that all this was a necessary condition of wn.\ 
>reovcr, then wages were comparatively high, work 
Pknty. -»"! the Government was fighting their 
»« foi them When the bosses refused to listen 
heii iusi grievances, couldn't the workers appeal 
Wat Labor Board, where Frank Walsh wa* 
powerful friend? Was not the War Luton 
1; "-"'i compelling the bosses to allow organisation 
and even organising the workers itself, forming com 
mtitces which were empowered by the Government 
to 'M wM the employers' committee? Weren't 
wa « € ' (!? •'»'! conditions officially fixed by the Go\ 
•"<"!< m » \„d finally, the coming of thai Democratic 
FWe fot which the American worMnr-class srnve tm 


By John Reed 

half its power, and allowed its unions to be shot to 
.pieces— fence would surely mean an end to all in- 
justice for the working-class. 

But now that Peace has come, and instead of some 
kind of Government arrangement, the working-class 
discovers to its astonishment that the United States 
Government has no plan of reconstruction. Govern- 
ment contracts are cancelled overnight, throwing 
thousands out of work. Union organizations are de- 
stroyed, and the employers of labor intend to see that 
they remain so. Labor itself, leanings the promises 
of Sam Gompers and President Wilson and Frank- 
Walsh, suddenly wakes up to find that it has no plan 
of reconstruction, and is in a worse condition than it 
was before the war. The only class of people who 
have a plan of reconstruction are the employers of 
labor, factory-owners, bankers— the active capitalists. 
•And their plan is simple. The open shop-even the 
old Unions destroyed ; and the breaking down of the 
slender frame-work built up by the War Labor Board 

1 lie workers of Bridgeport, the workers of Bethle- 
hem, are now witnessing the discharge, not only of all 
active Union men, but also of members of the work- 
ers' committees instituted by the United States Gov- 
ernment's War Labor Board. In these days, and in- 
creasingly as the days go on, it is clearly seen that the 
patriotism of the capitalist class only lasts as far ay 
its profits. 

Out in Arizona the detectives and hangers-on of the 
Copper Mine owners who deported striking miners— 
a great majority of them A. R of L. members— these 
rich men and their paid thugs, who deliberately broke 
the law arid spat on the Constitution, have been ac- 
quitted. Does any American worker now doubt the 
innocence of Tom Mooney, or the filthy crookedness 
of the California court and District Attorney which 
convicted him? The President of the United States 
sent a commission to California to investigate the 
Mooney case, and (his commission demanded a new- 
trial for Mooney- -and vet lis is sent to prison for life 
And the 1. W. W. leaders, sent up for terrible terms 
because of their alleged pro-Germanism, when not a 
'•hied of evidence against them was ever brought into 
court, And Eugene Debs, sentenced to Leu years, and 
Rose Pastor Stokes, and all the brave men and women 
Who dared tell the truth when it was dangerous, and 

n0W M,n "" r '» ' ,m " fl h it difficult to guess why 

1% were punished? While at the same time the 
graftcrg who looted government contracts, the profi- 
teers -how many of them can vol, think of who are 
now servinK jail terms? With such clear demonstra- 
tions 1.^0 re them, Imw i. it possible for American 
worker* to believe thru Labor could ever get a square 

deal after the war? 

Thc °W-fcsliioner| individualistic American work. 
111,111 " ;u v ' "Well, what aboul ii ? Debs and Rose 
I'astoi Stoke* are Socialists; the f, \y. W.'s are anar- 
,,,M ' Moon?) well, Uompers and President Wii- 
'"" u ' lH "' Llm < lie ^ets treated right. And besides, 
h ' ' "'' ■' member of nu Union. All that isn'i my oi' 
my business." 

iill! l! " caplinliai doesn't talk thai waj He says; 
' ' f 1°«'« '■■"" whfti they call themselves, They're 
wemben of the working-class, and they've got dan 
'"' n ' n ulrA [ '■'<"'i let them corrupt ib,- contented 
work< i i,'' ( npitalists tick together, And they treat 
!l,! ' working-clas ns one class In the Pittsburgh dis- 
n '< !llr "tecl wor'kei are forbidden to organise, When 
tin?) wnm in hold m meeting for the workers It is al 

most impossible for them to get a hall. And 
they succeed in getting a hall, the company detect! 
and the police line the street for a block in every _ 
tion, and take down the names of the men who ; 
going to the meeting; and next morning, those : 
are fired, . . . 

The capitalist class controls the American Govern- 
ment. Even Woodrow Wilson pointed that out in 
The New Freedom. The working-class supports them 
in power by voting for the Republican and the Demo- 
cratic parties. Controlling the Government, natural- 
ly the capitalist class makes the laws, apd makes the 
laws for itself. But even then the capitalists do no*, 
obey these laws, when it goes against their interest. 
Only the working-class obeys laws; it has to, for the 
police and the army are on the other side. 

And yet the working-class not only composes the 
army and the police, but also turns every wheel and 
swings every tool in the country. If the working- 
class were to stop work, altogether, for even a few 
days, the control of the capitalist class in Ame: 
could be shaken to its roots. If they voted their < 
candidates into public office, and passed their . 
laws, and then threatened to lay down their tools i 
less those laws were obeyed, America would belc 
to the workers, as it ought to belong to them. 

Not only, however, does Organized Labor 
America fight all other organizations, but the differ* 
craft Unions fight each other, pay little attention to 
each other's grievances, and sometimes even scab on 
each other. This is what is desired by the capitalist 
Class, who, when the craft Unions become too strong 
for them, secretly support them against Industrial 
Union propaganda; it must not be forgotten that the 
capitalists arc always struggling to get back to the 
Open Shop. . . , 

in international affairs, today, the issue is beauti- 
fully dear. Soviet Russia is a Union on strike 
dangerous kind of Union, an industrial Union. 
Governments Of the Allied countries are trying, 
< verf means possible, to break that strike. Arm. 
of French, British, Japanese and American soldie 
are in Vrchangel and Vladivostok, The Labor raw 
"tents of the Allied countries feel sympathy with i 
great Russian strike— but, after all. Russia "does. 
belong to our Union"— or else. "Those Russians 
J u *t a bunch of anarchists."' 

They like the German Revolution a good deal bet- 
ter. It is more "orderly." Of course this Bbcrt 
Schcklemann are Socialists, hut, at the same tin 
they seem to be pretty "sensible" guys. So runs I 
thought of the old-fashioned Union "man. 
' J »i the Capitalists also like the German Revolution 

Htar newspapers show every day hew anxious the; 

■'"<■ thai the Bbert-Scheidcmann Government sh 
continue in power, The reason is dear; the Eber 
Scheidemann Government promises that "all the pa 
pie" shall be represented, It stands for "democracy 
- -thai same "democracy* 1 we have, under which To 

Mooney goes tO jail for fife, and I he Arizona copj.v 
kings get OfT without, any punishment; under whic 
the steel kings in Pittsburgh won't permit their nrn 
even to attend a Labor meeting, and the machinist; 

of Bridgeport are re classified 

There is bin one alternative to this: Industrie 
Unions, the Socialist Party, the genera] strike and 
Later Democracy, In which those who do all the work 
shall have all the power 

I'luii U will be a Red \" C u Year